John G. Palfrey’s Case Against Coalition, Part 1

John Palfrey

The election of 1850 left the Free Soil-Democrat coalition in control of the Massachusetts legislature. That gave them the power to name its senator and the respective caucuses decided to nominate Charles Sumner. That should make for smooth sailing, but the coalition had not negotiated a full fusion and remained full of men with prior party affiliations that made them uneasy in coalition with prior enemies. Furthermore, as experienced political hands they had a full range of personal grudges and ambitions. A Free Soiler named John Palfrey, a historian and Unitarian minister in addition to his political career, objected to Sumner and the coalition in a confidential circular letter to the incoming Free Soil members of Massachusetts’ General Court. His confidential letter appears in The Liberator for January 17, 1851.

Palfrey opens by explaining that he didn’t really mean to sneak around behind anyone’s back. They should read him as a fellow traveler with concerns, not trying to influence anybody or puff himself up. Then he got to it, arguing that nothing in the coalition agreement with the Democrats required Free Soilers to continue working in concert with them now that the election had come and gone. The parties had every right under that arrangement to set their own courses, however their consciences may dictate.

I know of no existing compact or understanding, to restrain the free action of either. The Post, the chief organ of the Democracy, disavows everything of the kind; and I understand that the language of most of the principal country papers of that party is the same.

In other words, even the Democrats didn’t think they had some kind of open-ended deal coalition deal. Therefore, Free Soil men should not feel “any obligation of good faith” to support Boutwell for the Governor’s post. They had in Stephen Phillips a Conscience Whig of eminent qualifications, “thoroughly sympathizing with them in the momentous objects of their party organization” who would do far better as a governor. Boutwell, as a Democrat, would feel pressure to align with his national party and turn proslavery on the coalition.

On the other hand,

The Whigs have in past times talked as well for freedom as ourselves. Some of them talk so still. We have said that the difference between us and them was, that they did not act up to their professions, because, by voting for pro-slavery men for high office, they directed their political actions against liberty. If the same way we cease to act up to our professions, will not the difference between them and us appear to the people to be done away? and shall we not lose the people’s confidence? and shall we not deserve to lose it?

A politician of any stripe could make a similar argument. Both modern parties have adherents, myself included, who complain about members in name only. Whigs like Palfrey had quit Whiggery when the party nominated Zachary Taylor for the presidency. To support Boutwell risked doing themselves just what they had damned the national party for.

Electing Charles Sumner, Part 2

Charles Sumner (Free Soil-MA)

The Free Soil-Democratic coalition beat the Whigs and carried the day in the Massachusetts elections of late 1850, but the Whigs still had a plurality. That made the coalition especially vulnerable to defectors twice over considering that their alignment did not amount to a full fusion, but only agreement on specific candidates for the state legislature and agreement to decide jointly on nominations thereafter. Conservatives Whigs based around Boston associated with Daniel Webster favored Robert Winthrop’s election and wooed the coalition’s governor toward their camp, persuading him not to endorse Charles Sumner for the Senate. A rump group of conservative Democrats led by Caleb Cushing bolted the coalition to stop Sumner’s election, aiming ultimately to make themselves spoilers and kingmakers.

That accounts for the Democrats in the coalition and the Whigs outside it, but one would imagine that free soilers demonstrated greater unity behind Sumner. As one of their own, he must command some loyalty beyond that of established politicians. In public, they largely kept together. In private, the free soil party too had its factions. Many former Democrats could look on Sumner as something like a kindred spirit, but still prefer Marcus Morton, the antislavery ex-governor of the state. They complained that ex-Whig fixers worked to keep them from positions of power and took Sumner’s nomination as proof. He may have leanings toward the Democracy, but the Democrats had in Morton an actual party man from way back to favor.

On the other side of the divide within the party, Conscience Whigs who had battled the Democracy for a generation did not sit easily in coalition with it. They had kept the faith for ages and now Sumner, a relatively young man, would advance ahead of them to a prize that would count for little. One antislavery vote would only “be crushed under an overwhelming proslavery majority,” as David Donald quotes the editor of a new paper the party aimed to start at the first of the year in his two-volume biography of Sumner, from which I derive most of this struggle. It would do them better to keep themselves pure, concede the Senate seat, and come back with a stronger majority some other day.

Charles Francis Adams

That argument cost the Commonwealth, its incoming editor his job. The party set John G. Palfrey aside in favor of more dependable types, but not without cost to the Free Soilers. Charles Francis Adams, the son and grandson of presidents, thought with the support of the regular Whigs and Palfrey-style dissenters, he might himself become a senator. Nor could many doubt the antislavery credentials of an Adams after John Quincy’s eight year crusade against the gag rule or dream of his son as an upstart. The confidential letter Palfrey wrote to the legislature against the coalition and Adams’ letter abandoning his own quiet quest for the senate in favor of Sumner appeared side by side in the January 17, 1851 edition of The Liberator. They will bear closer examination, starting tomorrow.

 

Electing Charles Sumner, Part 1

Charles Sumner (Free Soil-MA)

 

With the elections of 1850, the Free Soil-Democrat coalition took control of Massachusetts. That coalition did not amount to a full fusion movement, but rather the local Democracy and Free Soil elements jointly agreeing on individual candidates while remaining independent. Massachusetts still returned a Whig plurality, but the Democrats and Free Soilers together outnumbered them. With victory in hand, the real horse trading began. The Free Soilers agreed to back the Democrat’s man for governor, George S. Boutwell, as well as the lieutenant governor and various officers in the legislature. The Democracy could also place their own man to finish the rump of Daniel Webster’s last Senate term. The Free Soilers claimed the state senate presidency and the full term for the United States Senate beginning on March 4, 1851. The leadership of both groups hashed out the settlement and presented it to their caucuses, who agreed. On January 7, the Free Soilers nominated Charles Sumner to go to Washington by a vote of 84-1. The Democrats concurred, with only six opposing.

The Whigs promptly erupted at the outrageous trading of offices, on the grounds of keeping politics pure and free from interested men and, incidentally, because they lost. Daniel Webster blamed the failure at the polls on his replacement in the Senate, Robert Winthrop. Winthrop refused to endorse the Fugitive Slave Act and that torpedoed Whiggery’s chances by making him look like a crazy abolitionist. He should have gone all-in on the entire Compromise of 1850. Godlike Dan, Secretary of State for Millard Fillmore, set to purging Sumner men from the civil service and aimed to lead his Boston Whigs into a new organization. Webster had wished for a party all to himself for probably as long as he had considered himself a Whig of any kind and the fraught times must have seemed ripe enough for another go. His supporters set about wooing the new governor, who had positioned himself as a pro-Compromise man in his inaugural.

Daniel Webster (Whig-MA)

Not every Massachusetts Whig, present or former, bought what Webster tried selling. Far more of them believed Black Dan’s course an excellent way to lose elections and remained open to some kind of alignment with ex-Whigs in the Free Soil movement. They had Charles Francis Adams in mind for the Senate. On the other side of the aisle, the Democracy cared more for breaking Whig dominance than advancing Sumner’s career. But since the senate seat meant less to them than action at the state level, and Sumner had worked well with Democrats before, most found him acceptable.

Caleb Cushing

A minority led by Caleb Cushing felt otherwise and kept strategic silence during the office trading, right up through Boutwell’s election. Then he led them out to make their own caucus against Sumner, the “Indomitables.” More than thirty strong, they had enough votes to swing the senate election against either Winthrop, Webster’s man again, or Sumner. Cushing hoped to defeat both and make himself a senator in the name of conservative Whiggery. Failing that, he turned to Edward Everett. Mainly, however, Cushing put pressure on the coalition Democracy with help from Lewis Cass and other party luminaries. That, Webster’s wooing, or both moved Boutwell to disclaim any interest in Sumner’s election, pawning the matter off on the legislature.

The 1850 Free Soil Victory in Massachusetts

Charles Sumner (Free Soil-MA)

Sumner on the Fugitive Slave Act: parts 1, 2, 3 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11Text of the speech (page 140)

Charles Sumner finished off his speech with fairly standard promises to keep the antislavery faith. If he failed, then may his “tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, may may right hand forget its cunning.” He concluded by shouting for freedom, union, and victory. The editor of his papers reported applause and cheers. More than simply delivering stirring rhetoric, Sumner set himself apart from the crowd. Many in Massachusetts understood the issues as well as Sumner. Many had strong antislavery convictions. But Charles Sumner could deliver a rousing speech in an era when many politicians preferred to show off their erudition and learning through lengthy, technical discourses. He had applause lines and the audience responded to them dutifully, but in twenty pages Sumner fails to bog himself down in the usual minutia or gild everything in overly elaborate metaphors. The more popular political style couldn’t have hurt him with Democratic voters, present or past, with whom the Free Soilers would need to coalition to control the selection of Massachusetts’ new senator.

Of course, Sumner’s popular style had its share of critics. His rhetoric did not quite befit a respectable gentleman and, per Edward L. Pierce’s Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner,

was often cited against him during the canvass for senator, and afterwards in Congress, as inflammatory, revolutionary, and treasonable; and he himself stated at a later period that his effort and hope at the time were to create a public sentiment which would render the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Law (or “bill,” as he always insisted on calling it) impossible.

Sumner did not particularly court his critics on these points. He probably saw no need to, considering pierce reports him as the front-runner for the Senate seat even before the speech. That required the Democrat-Free Soil coalition winning the Massachusetts elections so the legislature could choose a senator at all, but those polls turned out better than expected. The coalition unseated the sitting governor and

The sentiment of union was so spontaneous that the people had acted upon it in all parts of the State. Twenty-one Free Soil and Democratic senators were elected to eleven Whigs, and two hundred and twenty Free Soil and Democratic representatives to one hundred and seventy-six Whigs.

Pierce considered margins of ten in the Senate and fifty-four in the House pretty good, especially in light of how thoroughly Whiggery had dominated the Bay State. Only temperance legislation had shaken that dominance enough, twice, to give Massachusetts a democratic governor in the person of Marcus Morton, an antislavery man. It transpired that Massachusetts liked tippling and disliked slavery. Furthermore, while the Free Soilers coalitioned with the Democracy, they amounted to more than hangers on or kingmakers. Instead, they achieved parity with the party of Jackson, and then a slim margin in above of one senator and six in the House.

 

A Man with Three Backbones: Charles Sumner and the Fugitive Slave Law, Part Eleven

Charles Sumner (Free Soil-MA)

Part 1, 2, 3 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 Text of the speech (page 140)

Looking at the string of defeats that the antislavery movement had suffered from the vantage of late 1850, Charles Sumner promised his audience at Faneuil Hall that the arc of history would bend the other way, if they bent it with him. The time for compromise and conciliation, for the old parties that practiced it, had passed. Antislavery Americans of Whiggish or Democratic persuasion alike must quit those hollow institutions and join Sumner’s new Free Soil Party. They should also, of course, remember Charles Sumner whenever they got in touch with their representatives in Massachusetts about the open Senate seat. For that matter, the abolitionists who had declared themselves too pure for politics needed to turn out and vote too:

Living in a community where political power is lodged with the people, and each citizen is an elector, the vote is an important expression of opinion. The vote is the cutting edge. It is well to have correct opinions, but the vote must follow. The vote is the seed planted; without it there can be no sure fruit.

Only “a foolish husbandman” would neglect the seed, or “an unwise citizen” declare his sentiments and then fail to cast his ballot. Sumner understood that his audience and those admirable abolition radicals alike had reason to distrust the system. Parties and governments authored all their disappointments in 1850 and for decades before. Antislavery politicians had promised results, then capitulated when the South presented a united front against them. Any politician would not do, one must also find the right politician. Voters

can put trust only in men of tried character and inflexible will. Three things at least they must require: the first is backbone; the second is backbone; and the third is backbone.

That all made for fairly rude political speech, by the standards of the day. Sumner himself called his language “homely” but made no excuses. Whenever he saw a person declare the right principles and then bent to the Slave Power, he could think nothing but that they lacked the spine for it. The inconstant, the cowardly, and the pliable sorts did not deserve those cutting edge votes of good antislavery men.

Charles Sumner happened to know a courageous, constant, firm man who he would like to recommend to Faneuil Hall:

The first political convention which I ever attended was in the spring of 1845, against the annexation of Texas. I was at that time a silent and passive Whig. I had never held political office, nor been a candidate for any. No question ever before drew me to any active political exertion. The strife of politics seemed to me ignoble.

Sumner threw in actively with the Whigs, aiming with them to “arouse the party in Massachusetts to its Antislavery duties.” But experience showed him that Massachusetts Whiggery bent its back for slavery. Convinced then that “the Whig party was disloyal to Freedom” and not prepared to bend to its line, he quit the Whigs for the Free Soilers he now stood among.

Would that I could impress upon all who now hear me something of the strength of my own convictions! Would that my voice, leaving this crowded hall to-night, could traverse the hills and valleys of New England, that it could run along the rivers and the lakes of my country, lighting in every heart a beacon-flame to arouse the slumberers throughout the land! [Sensation.]

The Future is Antislavery: Charles Sumner and the Fugitive Slave Law, Part Ten

Charles Sumner (Free Soil-MA)

Part 1, 2, 3 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 Text of the speech (page 140)

We left Charles Sumner positioning himself as a committed antislavery man in the realm of mainstream politics. His Free Soil party did not propose to blow up the Union over slavery. They did not plan to send an army of John Browns into Virginia, nor their legislative equivalents. His party would not demand that the national government force emancipation on anyone, except in the territories and District of Columbia where it had every right and power to do so. The movement’s success would require support from people of all political stripes, united to keep slavery in its Southern pen. Antislavery Democrats, Whigs, and Free Soilers must

If you are sincere in what you declare, if your words are not merely lip-service, if in your heart you are entirely willing to join in practical effort against Slavery, then, by life, conversation, influence, vote, disregarding “the ancient forms of party strife,” seek to carry the principles of freedom into the National Government, wherever its jurisdiction is acknowledged and its power can be felt.

Sumner concerned himself more with moderate to conservative opinion here, but he might well have said the same of the Garrisonian wing of the antislavery movement. In the name of moral purity, those worthies had written themselves out of politics and confined their challenge to slavery to the rhetorical plane. The disputes between them and the more mainstream antislavery element had split national organizations, often with considerable acrimony.

Conservative critics of the antislavery movement in the North often accused its adherents of unthinking radicalism. By making slavery an issue, they threatened the Union and caused the fraught politics that they then cited as cause for action. Sumner turned that around, arguing that by ending the slavery question as the free soilers wished, they would banish all the disturbing radicalism. With it penned up in the South, slavery could no longer make and unmake presidencies. It would continue there, true enough, but “we are in no sense responsible” for that.

Then Sumner returned to his dark times theme. Looking back on an almost perfect series of defeats, he consoled the faithful:

Amidst all apparent reverses, notwithstanding the hatred of enemies or the coldness of friends, he [the antislavery man] has the consciousness of duty done. Whatever may be existing impediments, his is also the cheering conviction that every word spoken, every act performed, every vote cast for this cause, helps to swell those quickening influences by which Truth, Justice, and Humanity will be established upon earth.

Politicians always say things like this after painful losses. They go on to add that history has taken their side and the future belongs to their policies, just as Sumner did:

Others may dwell on the Past as secure. Under the laws of a beneficent God the Future is also secure, -on the single condition that we labor for its great objects.

The future belongs to us, if we take it.

 

 

 

Charles Sumner and the Fugitive Slave Law, Part Nine

Charles Sumner (Free Soil-MA)

Part 1, 2, 3 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 Text of the speech (page 140)

Fresh off the band outside giving up, Charles Sumner proceeded to congratulate his constituents on existing. Their movement proved that Slave Power had become the great issue of the day, which no politician could adjust away with cunning “intrigues”. “[T]he subject of subjects” would sleep no longer, but must take its place in the halls of Congress. The Slave Power filled

the very halls of the Capitol, while it overshadows and darkens other subjects. There it will continue, till driven into oblivion by the irresistible Genius of Freedom.

A threat and a promise in one: if antislavery did not triumph than the dark reign of slavery would continue forever. But if good antislavery men kept up and -hint, hint– sent Charles Sumner to the Senate, then a new era may dawn. But Sumner could only hope, given the dismal state of the nation in late 1850. He knew it looked bad:

The wave of reaction, after sweeping over Europe, has reached our shores. The barriers of Human Rights are broken down. Statesmen, writers, scholars, speakers, once their uncompromising professors, have become professors of compromise. All this must be changed. Reaction must be stayed. The country must be aroused. The cause must again be pressed, -with the fixed purpose never to moderate our efforts until crowned by success.

Daniel Webster

All those Daniel Webster types who changed their stripes in the name of compromise had only turned traitor. Massachusetts could not let them get away with it, but must repudiate their politics for a new form. That meant setting the nation on the right course, “the side of Freedom” against “[t]he policy of Slavery.” Until free soilers routed that “fruitful parent of national ills,” they could not rest or the land would sink ever deeper under the Slave Power’s weight. To keep up the fight, patriotic American men “of all parties and pursuits” must join together:

Welcome here the Conservative and the Reformer! for our cause stands on the truest Conservatism and the truest Reform. In seeking the reform of existing evils, we seek also the conservation of the principles handed down by our fathers. welcome especially the young! To you I appeal with confidence. Trust to your generous impulses, and to that reasoning of the heart, which is often truer, and it is less selfish, than the calculations of the head.

The Free Soilers needed to take all comers anyway, so they may as well roll out the welcome mat. The Massachusetts right, particularly the textile mill owners who had a direct, financial interest in slavery all their professional lives, would take rather longer to get on board than the flower of the Bay State’s youth or its antislavery left. It took the Kansas-Nebraska Act four years later to convince many. The flower of the Boston aristocracy thought little of Sumner personally even then, making him a less than convincing recruiter for the cause, but new parties must accept any support they can get. If a few crusty Cotton Whigs came to overlook Sumner’s fiery rhetoric, then he would take them along with the starry-eyed young idealists.

An Interruption: Charles Sumner and the Fugitive Slave Law, Part Eight

Charles Sumner (Free Soil-MA)

Part 1, 2, 3 4, 5, 6, 7 Text of the speech (page 140)

When we picture Charles Sumner standing at Faneuil Hall on November 6, 1850, most of us probably picture a relatively sedate modern political rally. He has his applause lines and the audience plays along. The air might have more smoke in it than we would expect and Sumner would have made himself heard through the power of his lungs alone, but overall we might expect a controlled, orderly affair peopled by stiff Victorian men. At their most dashing an unruly, they might come off the cover of a romance novel.

Nineteenth century mass meetings got rowdier. As a practical matter, most anyone could come. If not admitted to the hall, they might crowd outside its open doors or windows to hear, observe, and disrupt. Though billed as a party meeting, such things could have a strong ecumenical cast. For a new party that lacked a built-in constituency as the Free Soilers did, universality became a theme of necessity as well as desire to operate within the political system as it then stood. Thus Sumner proclaimed the catholicity of the antislavery cause:

It is not sectional; for it simply aims to establish under the National Government those great principles of Justice and Humanity which are broad and universal as Man. It is not aggressive’ for it does not seek in any way to interfere through Congress with Slavery in the States. It is not contrary to the Constitution; for it recognizes this paramount law, and in the administration of the Government invokes the spirit of its founders. It is not hostile to the quiet of the country; for it proposes the only course by which agitation can be allayed, and quiet be permanently established.

A less universal view of antislavery then displayed itself just outside. Someone on the street got together a band who tried to drown Sumner out.

And yet there is an attempt to suppress this cause, and to stifle its discussion.

Vain and wretched attempt!

We can all look up disrupted town hall meetings and other political events on Youtube, but I don’t think many today involve someone hiring musicians to war with the sound system. But Sumner knew such things as the cost of doing business and had the sense of humor or quick wit to turn the interruption to his advantage:

I am willing to stop for one moment, if the audience will allow me, that they may enjoy the music.

The crowd, naturally, insisted Sumner press on. They claimed to have “better music” inside and Sumner continued with his speech. It seems either the band gave up or Sumner bested them, as he goes on for a fair while thereafter without further note of the disruption. Truly, Charles Sumner would never give Massachusetts up, nor let it down, nor run around and desert it.

Charles Sumner and the Fugitive Slave Law, Part Seven

Charles Sumner (Free Soil-MA)

Part 1, 2, 3 4, 5, 6 Text of the speech (page 140)

Charles Sumner moved on from distinguishing between moral duties to reject evil at home and political duties to oppose it from afar with a standard repudiation of designs to interfere with slavery in the slave states. He positioned himself on the antislavery left, but not so far over as to talk himself out of politics. He repeated the normal demands of late 1850: the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law, abolition for the District of Columbia, prohibition of slavery in the territories, no new slave states admitted to the Union, and then flirted with more. Sumner declared himself and his free soil party for abolition of the domestic slave trade, especially at sea where the US flag often sheltered it but also, by implication, between states.

But Charles Sumner had a wider vision still, one shared then by few in the North but which would grow in popularity as the 1850s wore on:

The Slave Power must be overturned, -so that the National Government may be openly, actively, and perpetually on the side of Freedom.

That did not, Sumner stressed, mean the overthrow of slavery. He wanted the institution’s political influence gone. That power

having its origin in Slavery, which has been more potent, sinister, and mischievous than any in our long history. This Power, though unknown to the Constitution, and existing in defiance of its true spirit, now predominates over Congress, gives the tone to its proceedings, seeks to control all our public affairs, and humbles both the great political parties to its will.

He had the Constitution wrong, but American politicians routinely do that. Sumner hadn’t missed the true situation, though. Slavery created a powerful “common interest” among enslavers. They themselves would agree, though couching it in terms of the special needs of their institution for security. Sumner lacked the time to trace its full history

the undue share of offices it has enjoyed, and the succession of its evil deeds. Suffice it to say, that, for a long period, the real principle of this union was not observed by the Free States. In the game of office and legislation the South has always won. It has played with loaded dice, –loaded with Slavery.

That got a good laugh out of the crowd, but Sumner had facts and laughs on his side. At the time of his speech, a total of three men who never owned slaves had occupied the Presidency, two Adamses and Martin Van Buren. None had won re-election and no northern president would until the slave states opted out of the election of 1864. The South had an effective veto on all national legislation courtesy of the Senate. The slave states dominated Cabinet after Cabinet, the Supreme Court, and exercised decisive influence in both national parties. Sumner likened it to the workings of a fake automaton playing chess, with a man behind the curtain actually doing the work. The Slave Power occupied the spot behind the curtain, a “living force” that, now unmasked, they must defeat to restore the nation to its original design.

 

How Often Did Enslavers Abuse Their Slaves?

Peter from Louisiana

Gentle Readers, some time ago I shared with you the story of an enslaved girl being brutally whipped. I did not then have the research habits I have now. In the course of answering a question about the prevalence of violence against enslaved people for Reddit’s AskHistorians, I revisited the story and gathered together some other sources I have since come upon on the subject. I have reworked portions of that post into this. None of it makes for a pleasant read. If you feel that you should take a pass on today’s post, please do so. Also please know that this post includes a vile racial slur.

One must naturally ask, if one accepts that enslavers abused their slaves, if every last one of them did it. We have a natural inclination to look for exceptions and we know from our own lives that people who do the same thing rarely ever do it to a uniform degree or in just the same way. Especially in our bureaucratized, computerized age it makes sense to ask for a normal level of brutality too, even if the victims of violence don’t have the luxury of comparing and taking their relative suffering with a philosopher’s detachment. The pain we feel, we must feel most keenly.

Enslavers, overseers, and others charged with controlling enslaved labor are people and do vary, but they and the law take violent “correction” as generally a matter of course. An enslaver who doesn’t lay it on regularly risks being thought a dangerously light touch and possibly a secret abolitionist in the minds of his neighbors. If one didn’t have the stomach for whipping oneself and didn’t have a regular person to do it, one could get the local sheriff to serve for a one-time fee. Robert E. Lee did.

Frederick Law Olmsted traveled the South and what he reports is largely consistent with the attitudes I see Southerners express amongst themselves:

The whip was evidently in constant use, however. There were no rules on the subject, that I learned; the overseers and drivers punished the negroes whenever they deemed it necessary, and in such manner, and with such severity, as they thought fit. “If you don’t work faster,” or “If you don’t work better,” or “If you don’t recollect what I tell you, I will have you flogged,” are threats which I have often heard. I said to one of the overseers, “It must be very disagreeable to have to punish them as much as you do?” “Yes, it would be to those who are not used to it-but it’s my business, and I think nothing of it. Why, sir, I wouldn’t mind killing a nigger more than I would a dog.” I asked if he had ever killed a negro? “Not quite,” he said, but overseers were often obliged to.

Olmsted’s informant gave resistance to being whipped as just cause for a murder, which is something that Northrup risks in the movie. Enslavers often quantify by the number of lashes and we find occasional reference to standard punishments so incremented, but should not mistake these for modern business regulations. Enslavers, for practical purposes, answer only to themselves. Getting between the “domestic” relationship of a man and his human property smacked of abolitionism, to the point that even people running Bible study classes for slaves with the permission and supervision of their enslavers have trouble keeping on.

Independent of Olmsted, Jourdon Anderson’s famous letter to his ex-enslaver references a similar incident:

Say howdy to George Carter, and thank him for taking the pistol from you when you were shooting at me.

One doesn’t see much outright killing, though the law rarely punished any that did happen. More often comes horrific violence, which might lead to death. The worst Olmsted, an outsider present with the knowledge of the enslavers, saw happened to an eighteen year-old named Sall. They came on her while crossing a gully, where she had hidden out. She gave an excuse for being abroad without leave, but the overseer (Olmsted’s tour guide) didn’t buy it. (She said she was accidentally locked in, then got out on her own by breaking a plank loose. Then she got up and he spotted a ring of keys.) The girl’s father, all of a few minutes away, could have settled things one way or another. The overseer didn’t feel inclined to bother.

I’m sorry; things become much worse now:

“That won’t do,” said he [the overseer], “get down on your knees.” The girl knelt on the ground; he got off his horse, and holding him with his left hand, struck her thirty or forty blows across the shoulders with his tough, flexible, “raw-hide” whip. They were well laid on, as a boatswain would thrash a skulking sailor, or as some people flog a baulking horse, but with no appearance of angry excitement on the part of the overseer. At every stroke the girl winced, and exclaimed, “Yes, sir!” or “Ah, sir!” or “Please, sir!” not groaning or screaming. At length he stopped and said, “Now tell me the truth.” The girl repeated the same story. “You have not got enough yet,” said he, “pull up your clothes-lie down.” The girl without any hesitation, without a word or look of remonstrance or entreaty, drew closely all her garments under her shoulders, and lay down upon the ground with her face toward the overseer, who continued to flog her with the rawhide, across her naked loins and thigh, with as much strength as before. She now shrunk away form him, not rising, but writhing, groveling, and screaming, “Oh, don’t, sir! oh, please stop, master! please, sir! please, sir! oh, that’s enough, master! oh, Lord! oh, master, master! oh, God, master, do stop! oh, God, master! oh, God, master!”

Gentle Readers, I don’t know how many of you have or expect to have children or otherwise count teenagers among your loved ones, but Sall had those people too. She meant the world to them and they couldn’t prevent this, who might even have to watch it happen on other occasions.

A younger child too plays a part in this episode; a fifteen year old boy accompanied Olmsted and the overseer. He watched it all, bored. None of this was new for anybody but the Yankee. Olmsted

glanced again at the perfectly passionless but rather grim business-like face of the overseer, and again at the young gentleman, who had turned away; if not indifferent he had evidently not the faintest sympathy for my emotion.

Olmsted couldn’t take it and rode off, the screams chasing him. The boy caught up to him, but not from pain or fear. The overseer came right behind, apparently finished. He can’t have missed much, if anything. “He [the overseer] laughed as he joined us.” Then he sounded off on how Sall cheated him out of day’s work. Olmsted asked if they had to do such things and the overseer made the standard argument:

Oh yes, sir,” (laughing again.) “If I hadn’t punished her so hard she would have done the same thing again to-morrow, and half the people on the plantation would have followed her example. Oh, you’ve no idea how lazy these niggers are; you northern people don’t know any thing about it. They’d never do any work at all if they were not afraid of being whipped.

The overseer struck to the heart of it: slaves don’t like slavery. Everybody in the South knew it, for all the occasional protests to the contrary. On the scale of an individual plantation, the enslaved outnumber the whites. It takes pain and terror to keep them at work. A slave may get off easy now and then, but even treasured personal valets can end up in the fields to make sure they don’t get ideas. The occasional less horrific enslaver doesn’t change the overall system.

It makes cold economic sense. The incentives free labor operates under don’t work well in a slave system. To get more out of a person, and thus more profit, they needed whips, chains, and other tortures. Temporarily or permanently impairing the ability of one to deliver that labor may well terrorize the others enough to make up the difference and then some.

This neglects, of course, that no one yet born has ever lived the live of the perfectly rational utility maximizer that stars in so many economic calculations. Fear plays its part: slaves not terrorized into submission may rise up and murder their tormentors. We must also consider rage: how dare the slaves challenge their masters? We can never forget the white supremacy that made it all work: those people, those subhumans, dared think they had the right to gainsay a white man. Finally, we must add pleasure to our calculations. Not every enslaver went to bed each night to happy visions of whips cracking and flying blood, but people in positions of power with great discretion and little accountability have a long history of giving themselves license to do things they would otherwise find unthinkable.

Thomas Jefferson

Take it from an enslaver:

There must doubtless be an unhappy influence on the manners of our people produced by the existence of slavery among us. The whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions, the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submissions on the other. Our children see this, and learn to imitate it; for man is an imitative animal. This quality is the germ of all education in him. From his cradle to his grave he is learning to do what he sees others do. If a parent could find no motive either in his philanthropy or his self-love, for restraining the intemperance of passion towards his slave, it should always be a sufficient one that his child is present. But generally it is not sufficient. The parent storms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives a loose to his worst of passions, and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy who can retain his manners and morals undepraved by such circumstances.

The author, no prodigy, exercised his boisterous passions upon Sally Hemings. He learned those things. They are part of his manners. That fifteen year-old kid decades later learned them just as well.

We have hitherto referred to impressionistic accounts, as historical research must. We have recorded moments, not sociological surveys. In the nineteenth century, a far less bureaucratized time, people did things more casually and made fewer managerial notes. A partial exception comes from the Barrow plantation in Louisiana. Barrow might have exceeded the norms of his time, but we can’t say for sure. My source, Herbert Gutman’s Slavery and the Numbers Game, wrote in the mid-Seventies and laments that no one has done a thorough study of plantation records that have survived to find out. I don’t know if one has been done since, despite checking a few recent surveys I have. Working from the Barrow sample, he comes up with

A slave -“on average”- was whipped every 4.56 days. Three slaves were whipped every two weeks. Among them, sixty (37.5 percent) were females. A male was whipped once a week, and a female once every twelve days.

During the two year period (1940-1) for which numbers exist, Barrow whipped all but 19 of his 129 slaves. We don’t know their age distribution, but it typical then 89 or so had reached the age of ten or more. Barrow whipped 119 individual slaves.

If Barrow did not whip children under the age of five, and if children under the age of ten were fairly evenly distributed, that means that every child aged five to nine probably was whipped one or more times in 1840-1841.

Barrow’s surviving diary extends somewhat beyond the 1840-1 time frame and may not be complete. He could have done worse than we know.

More than once, for example, Barrow penned suggestive diary notations such as “had a general Whiping frolick,” “whiped about half to day,” “general Whipping yesterday,” “intend Whipping them straight, “whiped all my grown cotten pickers today.”

Whipping frolics happened at least six times.

In his fine dissertation on the slave family, Bobby Jones concluded that Barrow resorted to “practically every known form of chastisement slaveholders used.” Jones pointed out: “During his career, Barrow resorted to chains; extra work; whipping; humiliation, such as making a man wear women’s clothing and parade around the quarters; imprisonment; stocks; ‘raked several negro heads to day’; ‘staking out’; ‘hand-sawing’; and dousing or ducking in water which occurred in October and November.”

Jones thinks that hand-sawing involved beating people with the saw, teeth first.

 

We can’t know for sure if we should take Barrow as exceptional or typical, but between the numbers his records provide and the constant reference to violence in period sources, we can’t fairly say that brutality happened rarely. Violence against enslaved people looks, both from the tremendous array of sources from enslaved people themselves, their enslavers giving advice to one another, and white third parties, like the overwhelming norm. All the stories of whipping, cutting, chaining, beating, rape, and torture didn’t just come from nowhere. People, almost all white, did them all to other people, all black. They made a system of this, a great, all-encompassing world that turned blood, pain, and screams into the money that made the wealth of a nation and fed the mills off another. Other people, most other whites, took no great interest in that until the same system appeared poised to enslave them too. Most of us, myself included, have taken little notice since of the many ways it continues. We too have learned our manners.